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Revised version. Original published in 1985 in The Peacemaker, Peace Conversion Times and the Green Letter.
Mahatma Gandhi often said that non-violence and freedom are
inextricably
intertwined. In the first half of the twentieth century he wrote:
“The attainment of freedom, whether for a man, a nation or the world,
must
be in actual proportion to the attainment of non-violence by
each.”
And he held that: “No action which is not voluntary can be called
moral....Any
action that is dictated by fear or by coercion of any kind ceases to be
moral....Freedom of the individual is at the root of all
progress.”
Gandhi believed in these principles so much that he advocated that
whatever
laws were decided upon should be enforced only by non-violent police
and
that armies should be organized by non-violent methods. (For
Gandhi
quotes on these ideas, click here.)
As I will discuss below, more and more non-violent theorists and
activists
are exploring the full implications of organizing society by principles
of non-violence And many of these theorists are coming to the
inalterable
conclusion that Gandhi was right–freedom and non-violence are two sides
of the same coin. Moreover, they are recognizing that without the
threat
of brute military and police violence, most great nation states would
break
up into much smaller political entities; that without violent coercion
decision-making would be dispersed widely among individuals, groups and
self-governing communities and cities; that organizing society by
principles
of non-violence would decentralize power throughout society.
Superiority of Non-Violent Action
Gandhi,
Martin Luther King, numerous activists and non-violent scholars like
Gene
Sharp (author of “The Politics of Non-Violent Action” and “National
Security
through Civilian-based Defense”) and Barbara Bondurant (“The Conquest
of
Violence”) have argued and illustrated the superiority of non-violent
to
violent action.
The purpose of non-violent action is to withdraw consent from
government
or other authorities, rather than wrest power from them.
Therefore
it fosters dialogue and education and allows maximum participation by
everyone
in society. Non-violence heightens the moral superiority of the
actionists
in the eyes of the general public--especially if the authorities
respond
to their sincere and open protest with violence. Even members of
the ruling classes can be swayed to sympathy by such non-violent
actions.
Police and soldiers wooed with sound political arguments and
non-violent
demonstrations are more likely to come over to the side of the
activists
than ones afraid of being shot and killed by protesters.
Political violence harms
groups and movements. It destroys public sympathy, reinforces
public
prejudices against activists, invites police infiltration and
harassment,
and gives the state an excuse to arrest, imprison and even kill
innocent
activists and bystanders. Even advocacy of violence can have a
detrimental
effect on organizing since it divides and demoralizes activists and
provides
the government and media an excuse to attack the advocates.
Violent action usually is
practiced predominantly by angry young men, often with military
training,
who often become as ruthless towards other dissidents as they do
towards
the oppressor. These days the most vocal advocates of violence
are
often government provocateurs. When violent revolutionaries take
power, their regimes usually are as ruthless as their revolutions.
Non-violent
non-cooperation
by large numbers of people is more disruptive to the state than
violence
by smaller numbers; violence only permits the state to enhance its
power.
Overall, non-violent action results in the least loss of life and
property,
the least destruction of the social fabric and the greatest assurance
that
post-resistance society will be free and peaceful.
In the last twenty years
relatively non-violent mass movement--“people power”-- overthrew the
Shah
in Iran, Marcos in the Philippines, apartheid in South Africa, Suharto
in Indonesia, and brought about freedom for Eastern Europe and the
dissolution
of the Soviet Union. Most of these activists were at least aware
of the success of the efforts of Gandhi and Martin Luther King.
Some
leaders of these movements studied or were trained in non-violence
.
Today, organizations like Non-violence International, International War
Resisters League and Peacekeepers International are continuing to
spread
these ideas and strategies worldwide.
Non-Violent Civilian-Based Defense
Influenced by the writings and efforts of Gene Sharp and organizations
like the Civilian-Based Defense Association, and impressed by the
successes
of non-violent action in recent revolutions, even the Swedish, German
and
French governments have studied the concept of non-violent civilian
based
defense. This a broadening and updating of Gandhi’s notion of
“non-violent
armies.” National militaries would be supplemented and even
largely
replaced by training all citizens in organizing economic, political and
social non-cooperation. The object would be to destroy an
invader's
ability to control the populace and to undermine its troops’
morale.
In 1968, unorganized Czechs managed to do this to their Russian
invaders
for a number of months, bolstering non-violent actionists' hopes that
an
organized and determined populace would deter any invasion.
Non-Violent Conflict Resolution
In the last twenty years non-violent activists in a variety of
movements
have begun to focus on non-violent conflict resolution not only between
nations but on the interpersonal level between individuals, between
warring
gangs in the inner cities, between religious, racial, ethnic and
lifestyle
groups, and even within their own groups. (As one activist said,
“A pacifist is a person who can go to a peace meeting and not get in a
fight.”)
Conflict between individuals, groups and communities is inevitable--but
bad will, bad mouthing, sabotage, destruction of property and violence
are not. Gandhi contended that there is some truth in both or all
sides of a conflict and that only through non-violence can we
appreciate
and tolerate differing views of truth--or come to an understanding of a
greater truth. Opponents must be recognized as potential allies,
and all sides must search for resolutions that are mutually satisfying,
“win-win”ones. Of course, various forms of protest may be
necessary
to impress the “opponent” with the seriousness and sincerity of one's
claims
or to convince them to enter into negotiations. But negotiations
are the goal.
Non-Violent Sanctions
Many non-violent actionists have gone to the next step. They have
come to regard all political conflict over laws, regulations and taxes
as conflicts to be resolved non-violently, not as issues to be settled
by the vote of the majority (usually the defacto will of special
interests)
and enforced by the threat of police violence, confiscation of property
and imprisonment.
Non-violent activist groups have long used consensus-oriented
decision-making
in their groups to ensure the maximum of support for policies,
strategies
and actions. Many of their members have come to realize that the
same principle must be applied to politics–only laws, regulations and
taxes
supported by the overwhelming majority of people should be
imposed.
Only those basic community services supported by overwhelming
majorities
would be provided, since the collection of taxes for them would no
longer
be enforced through the threat of police violence. Non-violent
resistance
to such laws, rules or taxes would be a respected component of ongoing
community debate.
Police violence, like individual violence, would be reserved only for
defense
of self or others from physical violence. Public courts and
police
would still deal with such universally deplored acts as murder,
assault,
pollution, theft and fraud. However, police would be, as Gandhi
said,
“a body of reformers...composed of believers in non-violence .
They
will be servants, not masters.” To deal with minor offenses,
police
would use education, verbal persuasion and publicly. If that was
ineffective, they might organize citizen picketing or boycott.
More
serious crimes might result in ostracizing or expelling the individual
from the community. (This is one variation on the polycentric law
idea I detail at length in Non-Violent
Secessionist Strategies.)
Non-violent sanctions are based on trust that humans who share the
consciousness
that violence is illegitimate (except in extreme circumstances of
self-defense)
and are taught from childhood the many subtle and creative ways of
attaining
their goals without using violence, will rarely resort to it. To
connect two popular sayings, if “violence begets violence” then “the
only
way to peace, is peace itself!” Otherwise we become willing co-creators
of our violence-wracked system. As Gandhi said, “Every citizen
silently,
but never the less certainly, sustains the government of the day in
ways
of which he has no knowledge. Every citizen, therefore, renders
himself
responsible for every act of his government.”
Non-Violence and Decentralization
It is easily arguable why “complete non-violence ” would lead to
political
and economic decentralization. Most centralized governments and
nation
sates were formed from a number of formerly autonomous communities,
cities
and regions through armed conquest. Some were formed hundreds of
years ago--others only in the last few decades. Their different
ethnic,
racial, religious and national groups are held together by nationalist
jingoism, government subsidies, and the threat of terrible military
vengeance
against secessionists.
Nevertheless, secessionist sentiments, activities and demands to be
completely
free of centralized control have escalated worldwide. When I
first
wrote this piece in 1985 I wrote ”Eastern European and Asian people
seek
to free themselves from Soviet control.” They did so in 1989, and
non-violently. In fact, it was non-violent change in
Czechoslovakia
(which itself later peacefully divided into two nations) that became
known
as the “Velvet Revolution.”
However, Yugoslavia's power-mad leader replied to Croatia and Bosnia’s
attempts to secede from Yugoslavia with ethnic hatred and “ethnic
cleansing”
by the militarily superior Serbs. Nigeria, Somalia, Sudan,
Ethiopia,
Rwanda and other African nations remain rife with racial, religious and
tribal violence between communities forced into artificial “nation
states,”
first by colonists and later by repressive dictators. Many of
Indonesia’s
thousands of Islands could decide to go their separate way. India,
which
contains hundreds of religious, linguistic and ethnic groups,
continually
suppresses its separatist factions. Closer to home, should Quebec
finally vote to secede, it is likely British Columbia might do so as
well,
breaking up a nation right at our borders. And it is clear that
demographic,
social and economic factors already are dividing America. Only the
smallest
and most culturally and politically homogenous nations could be held
together
if they had to rely on non-violent sanctions and non-violent armies or
civilian-based defense.
Once free of the fear of violence from centralized authorities,
decentralization
would probably proceed quite rapidly as counties seceded from states,
cities
from counties and even neighborhoods from cities. The concept of
“neighborhood
power” would become a reality. Innumerable experiments with
non-violent
governance would be tried and those which proved most successful would
become most popular. Networking and confederations between
neighborhoods,
communities, cities and regions would be necessary to deal with common
problems and resolve conflicts. But without massive military violence,
there could be no return to the centralization of the past.
There is no doubt that we will live in times of mounting economic,
political
and military crisis, which will further undermine the credibility of
established
institutions and open more people to radical change. And we may
yet
experience a devastating nuclear exchange that will destroy the great
nuclear
powers. If pacifists and decentralists are not ready with new
visions
equal to the crisis and disasters we face, we can be sure that
demagogues
of all stripes will be. It is a matter of human responsibility
that
we re-think our politics and create thorough and credible non-violent
alternatives–in
full light of their decentralist implications.
The Courage to Choose Non-Violence
Those of us who believe that humans should conduct our affairs
non-violently
should not be afraid of the radically decentralist implications of our
beliefs. Rather we should explore them and even emphasize them,
as
do Gandhians, anarchist pacifists, libertarians, and many Greens,
eco-feminists
and bioregionalists. They oppose the structural violence of large
nation states.
Many who say they are committed to non-violence and non-violent
conflict
resolution merely use non-violent action to strengthen state power–and
the state’s excuses for, and ability to use, violence against citizens.
This includes activists in the feminist, environmentalist, labor,
anti-racism
and bigotry, anti-corporate, and social welfare movements.
Perhaps
the epitome of this hypocrisy is the gun control movement which calls
for
heavily armed federal agents to assault, arrest and imprison Americans
who refuse to give up the ever-growing list of proscribed weapons. In
fact,
it is the fear of such a vicious and powerful state that is causing
freedom-lovers
to arm themselves so heavily.
Meanwhile too many pro-freedom activists who challenge the growing
state
power and violence believe the old saw that there are only two
political
alternatives, the ballot or the bullet. (A statement with which leftist
who advocate violence also agree.) Freedom lovers must take the
step
their “liberal opponents” have taken: learn the effectiveness of
non-violent
action and conflict resolution in social, economic, and political
protest
and resistance.
Members of groups left and right must learn more about non-violent
conflict
resolution between individuals, groups and nations, about non-violent
civilian-based
defense against political repression and foreign invasion, and about
non-violent
sanctions as the alternative to violent sanctions in enforcing rules
and
laws.
And having learned about those they may finally come to the conclusion
that Gandhi did--that only the voluntary society is moral and that the
essence of human enlightenment is organizing our affairs in a voluntary
manner without the ever present threat of state violence. As
Gandhi
said, the only way to peace is peace itself.
Copyright 1998 by Carol Moore. Permission to reprint freely granted, provided the article is reprinted in full and that any reprint is accompanied by this copyright statement and the URL http://www.carolmoore.net.